Ganpati has been a prominent deity of the Ganapatya, Tantra, and Shakta philosophies and religions in the pre-modern era. Scholars have put forth varied interpretations of Ganpati’s cultural, religious, and mythological history. He has also been pulled into the cultural conflicts between Vedic and non-Vedic, Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical traditions. In fact, due to his mixed cultural-religious heritage, different groups keep trying to appropriate him. The feminine ‘Vainayaki Ganesh’, as well as ‘nagna (naked) Ganapati’ in Tantra captivates our attention and equally becomes the cultural focal point. He appears even in the Shramana traditions like Buddhism and Jainism. Some may argue that these are later interpolations or deliberate distortions. Regardless, the reality is that Ganapati is a widely worshipped deity in India. However, the current popular Ganesh festival seems hardly connected with these cultural, philosophical, and religious traditions. To understand this phenomenon, last year ( in 2017), on the occasion of the centenary silver jubilee of the public Ganesh festival, we decided to study it. We conducted a survey among 23 youths from eight dhol-tasha (traditional drums) pathaks (troupes) in Pune and discussed with some of them in an interview form.

Some may dispute that the foundation of the public Ganesh festival, now celebrated across Maharashtra, was laid in Pune. As some recent studies have revealed, such public Ganesh festivals were already being celebrated in some princely states before they started in Pune. Thus, instead of claiming it as India’s first, it would be more accurate to say that colonial India’s first public Ganesh festival was started in Pune. Because Princely India, though under British suzerainty, was independent in internal, practical matters.

In 2017, marking the centenary silver jubilee, the Pune Municipal Corporation and the state government took special measures to celebrate the festival. However, at the same time, some people objected to Tilak being given the first rite to initiate the festival celebrations. Others took a stand, arguing that it was Bhausaheb Rangari who reportedly celebrated it first, so his mandal (Ganesh festival organising body) deserves to get the first rite instead. This debate has played out in public, personal, social, and even judicial spheres. Additionally, the pronounced Brahmin vs. non-Brahmin dispute in Maharashtra also reared its head during this conflict. Some alleged that Brahmins take credit for the works of non-Brahmins as usual and Bhausaheb Rangari is being denied this first rite because he was a non-Brahmin. Some countered it by pointing out that Tilak and Rangari were friends, so the credit disputes were unnecessary. They took the position that the festival is more important than taking the credit of whoever started it first. We conducted our survey during the festival when public and media debates were rampant. We couldn’t incorporate all these discussions into our questionnaires, so a separate, independent research is required to cover them.

Dhol-tasha troupes

Dhol-tasha troupes have become a major attraction of Pune’s Ganesh festival, getting heavily featured on television, newspapers, and social media. As a result of that, such groups have now emerged even outside Pune, leading to formations of statewide platforms and organisational bodies across Maharashtra. We have only interviewed youth from Pune’s dhol-tasha groups, which will limit the current discussions to them.

There were around 450 to 500 such groups in Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad as of 2017, as per the estimate of one such group owner. The origins of these groups vary  – some are formed with non-political support, some openly political, and others with covert political support. Since they bring youth together, political, cultural, and religious organisations are also keen to form such groups, while others do so purely to facilitate acts of service. We observed all-female groups but did not come across an all-male group.

Preparations for the festival begin at least one or two months in advance, which includes recruiting members and doing regular practice. To grow their memberships, certain groups have also been seen putting up advertising hoarding signs in Pune. They also charge a certain fee to join the groups and certain groups also issue ID cards. One modern, well-educated youth, aligned with Hindutva ideology, expressed that “dhol-tasha pathaks are the soul of Hindutva.”

Political economy of dhol-tasha troupes

Each troupe typically has from at least 10-20 to 150-200 members, sometimes even more. Dhols and tasha are procured based on the needs according to the group formation styles and number of members. Often large gongs, long sticks and flagpoles are also present. All these expenses are covered by membership fees or done by the organising committee of the group. Many times members get sponsorships from political parties, social organisations, or temple trusts. There is no need to say which political or religious groups these temple trusts are affiliated with.

For the 10 days of Ganesh festival and nine days of Navratri, a total of 19 days, these groups take contracts to perform. Almost all the Ganesh mandals hire such dhol-tasha troupes to perform. Almost all of them charge a fee. Here a distinction needs to be highlighted, a dhol-tasha troupe is different from a Ganesh mandal. It is rare for a Ganesh mandal to have its own dhol-tasha troupe. Our investigation revealed that a performance for a single night can cost between ₹30,000 to ₹1 lakh. So readers can calculate that if they get at least 20 such contracts for the minimum amount of ₹30,000 for the total 19 days of both Ganesh festival and Navaratri, the earnings are substantial.

This raises two questions. First, where do Ganesh mandals get these funds from? And second, is the public Ganesh festival a religious-cultural event or a religious-entertainment market?

Neo-religiosity: A search for the ‘tradition’

It is very evident that the popular Ganesh festival lacks any traditional religious-cultural essence. What needs to be highlighted is that it wasn’t started for fostering cultural or religious traditions in the first place. Political consolidation of ‘Hindus’ behind the garb of religion and culture was the main motive behind it.

Festivities have always been crucial in societies, that is to say, human life is tied with some kinds of festivals and rituals. These festivals and rituals are followed through religious or cultural traditions, throughout one’s life. The rapid urbanisation and shift from agriculture-centred lifestyle towards industry-centred one is transforming these festivities and rituals fast. Under the guise of religion and culture, new things are taking shape and they are being practised and preserved in the name of tradition. This phenomenon is termed as a ‘search for tradition.’ This ‘neo-religiosity’ often thrives under the guise of religion and bears little connection to original traditions. The popular Ganesh festival exemplifies this. Most people see ‘public’ Ganesh festival as a religious and cultural tradition, however, it was never such a ‘public’ tradition before the 19th century, as historical sources reveal.

Entertainment market and political consumption

In the traditional societies fairs and urs (festivals) once served as an outlet for public recreation. Now, even rural fairs have changed their form. Increase in the rural to urban migration has also given rise to the issues related to the inner worlds and psychological needs of these immigrants. The public Ganesh festival has spawned an independent entertainment market. Once limited to Pune-Mumbai, it has now become a reality across all cities in Maharashtra. Most cities now have multiple Ganesh mandals. These mandals organise plays, installations and sermons touching on various cultural, religious, political, environmental and societal issues. They draw large crowds of people who participate in them.

When asked why they participate, most replied, to enjoy, have fun and come together for the preservation of tradition and culture. Few things become clear from this. One, that public spaces like playgrounds or parks are shrinking in Pune city. As an indirect result, Ganesh festival and consequently Dhol-tasha troupes have become religiously sanctioned places of gathering to hang out and have fun with friends and loved ones. Youngsters enthusiastically take part in playing dhol-tasha and get immersed in it. Many mandals also organise dance, drama or installation competitions, turning it into an entertainment marketplace.

Second, because a large number of people participate in these events, political parties and organisations exploit the festival’s reach for their outreach and propaganda. Certain mandals are established by the political parties themselves, while others are run by people within the party hierarchies. So political leaders are present on almost all 10 days of the arati (ritual prayer with devotional songs). Sometimes the agenda is purely to grow and spread the party’s influence and propaganda. This is often done through large hoarding signs, and flex boards throughout the city. Sometimes the government also utilises it to promote its various schemes. Thus the festival blends religion, politics and entertainment which people consume during the time.

Participants’ perspectives

Our questionnaire contained a question on why the public Ganesh festival was started, to which most answered, “to unite people.” Others cited “for social awakening” or “for organising people.” The terms “unite” or “organising” were often used. Those dhol-tasha troupes who are aligned with, or rather established by Hindutva organisations often gave the similar answers. Many members of these groups said that “Ganeshotsav (Ganesh festival) was started for the purpose of organising people.” The word “organising” is used over and over again by people aligning with the Hindutva movement. This makes it clear that the public Ganesh festival is an opportunity for them to ‘organise’ Hindus. While for others it is merely an event to come together.

We also asked if it causes nuisance to the public, to which most agreed that it does. Some tried to justify it by saying that people should put up with it since the event is only once in a year. While some others retorted, why are Hindu festivals alone criticised? However, the majority of youngsters said that noise from the DJs and drums particularly disturbs elders and children. Those who spoke from both sides, agreeing that it causes nuisance and that it should still be tolerated and celebrated, seemed trapped in confusion. When asked if the festival provides religious information, nearly 40% said that it does. However, when asked whether public events should be utilised for religious propagation, most responded negatively. This reveals a stark confusion among youth about associating religion with public events.

We asked if politicians misuse the Ganesh festival, to which only one person firmly replied that they don’t. Others either answered that “politicians misuse it” or “we don’t know.” The youth participates in the public festival events and even the girls play the drums as enthusiastically as boys. However, most held the belief that women should not participate in public events if they are menstruating. It is evident that the concepts of purity and pollution play a role behind these beliefs, because our society believes that menstruating girls and women are impure. Very few girls within the Hindutva aligned Dhol-tasha troupes answered it affirmatively while most avoided answering altogether. Along with this, most people also said that “it is preferable or expected to only consume a veg diet while participating.” Only a handful of them said that it doesn’t matter which diet is consumed.

Historical context

Most respondents answered that Ganeshotsav was started to “bring people together”, or to “unite them against the British”. This is ahistorical at best, because public Ganeshotsav or Ganesh festival was set up to grow Hindu mobilisation.

N.C. Kelkar, Tilak’s biographer, while explaining the background behind the public festival, wrote: “The idea to expand Ganesh festivals emerged six weeks after the 1893 Hindu-Muslim riots in Mumbai.” (Kelkar, 1923, p. 420)

T. V. Parvate noted: “The idea of a public Ganesh festival arose as a result of Hindu-Muslim riots and was also aimed to divert Hindus from Muharram processions.” (Parvate, 1958, p. 115)

Thus, both the sources on Tilak’s biography confirm that the festival was not for Hindu-Muslim unity or a resistance against the British, but solely for Hindu consolidation.

Hindus in Pune started boycotting Muharram processions (tabut) after the riots, as many Hindus used to participate in them in large numbers. This boycotting benefitted the public Ganesh festival. Kelkar wrote: “Partly due to the arrogant behaviour of Muslims, the idea of this festival was born. It was Tilak’s wish to give the people a new form of entertainment associated with their own religion because the Muslims ill treated those Hindus who were praying to their tabut (the Ark of Covenant)” (Kelkar, 1923, p. 422). Even though the public Ganesh festival didn’t have religious context, it became an effective tool for social and political mobilisation. (Jog, n.d., pg. no. 48)

Tilak’s movement considerably expanded due to the public Ganesh festival. British journalist Sir Valentine Chirol observed: “The festival provided a platform for religious plays and songs. These plays and songs often utilised Hindu Puranic myths to incite hatred against foreign rulers. The term mlechha (barbarian or outsider) was applied equally to Muslims and Europeans. The processions were deliberately planned to provoke clashes with Muslims and police, leading to lawsuits. This created scope for fiery courtroom speeches of condemnation in defence. Tilak’s influence grew along with the festival.” (Chirol, cited in Jog, p. 49)

As the festival expanded, riots erupted after the Ganeshotsav processions across Maharashtra. These riots deepened the Hindu-Muslim animosity. Dinbandhu, a contemporary publication, comments on the boycotting of Hindus in participating in Muharram tabuts: “We learn through the letters from Pune, Solapur, Nashik, and Satara that Hindus there have distanced themselves from tabut. However in rural areas, where there was no animosity amongst Hindus and Muslims, they were celebrated as usual” (Dinbandhu, July 22, 1894).

Criticising the overall public Ganeshotsav, Dinbandhu wrote:

Post the dreadful riots of 1893 in Mumbai, Hindus became suspicious of Muslims and distanced themselves from the tabut. This spread to many cities in the south. Our people were getting to enjoy themselves and have a good time in the tabut processions, of course that also has stopped. It is vital for a human being to play, have fun and entertain oneself once in a while, in a year. Therefore people in Pune started Ganapati fairs, similar to the fairs of the fakirs (Muslim ascetics) in the tabut. They devised special uniforms and songs for these fairs. Some songs were deliberately composed to mislead illiterate masses. Those who are sensible won’t be misled by anyone else’s misbehaviour regarding religious matters. However the situation is very different for illiterate folks. Therefore, those who truly care for religion or country should prevent such provocative fairs from spreading to masses. (Dinbandhu, September 8, 1895).

This history is little-known today, yet the public Ganesh festival is still perceived as a tool for Hindu mobilisation. Along with Hindutva organisations, other political, caste or ideological groups use it as a platform for outreach. The commercialised religio-cultural spectacles and endless advertisements create an entertainment marketplace with a neo-religious consumer-activist. This hinders the process of secularisation and rationalisation in the society.

(Translated from Marathi by Gaurav Kalyani. Originally published in ‘Aksharnama’ on September 28, 2018.)