
I witnessed the Mahatma for the first time in 1873 — at the then famous contractor Nagu Sayaji’s bungalow close to Taddeo. He had come there as an acquaintance of Swami Rammayya Aiyyavaru. A meeting was in progress with several important figures in the attendance — and the chair for this event was Rao Bahadur Narayan Meghaji Lokhande. The Mahatma read aloud his article ‘Asud’ at the meeting. I don’t remember the entire text but the highlight for me was the description of the multifarious means of oppression of farmers in every village at the hands of the Brahmins, Kulkarnis (clerks), Brahmin lawyers and Brahmin priests. Mahatma’s voice was mellifluous, and his narration was clear, resonant and passionate. His reading of that essay was filled with such a force that the ‘lash of the whip’ on those guilty rang loud and clear in the audience’s ears. Shri. Nagoji Shete offered funds for publishing this essay. While listening to the Mahatma that day, I witnessed how a speech made with fervour and altruistic intellect can arouse a churning in the listener’s mind.
My second encounter with him took place at Guruvarya Madhavrao Raghoji Rokde’s school in Vadgadi, which happened to be next to Raghunathrao’s samadhi. He was accompanied by his protégés [Govind Bhau] Dumbare Patil, and [Krishnarao] Bhalekar. R. B. Lokhande, Dharmaji Balaji Rukare, Sheth Venku Bali, Sheth Raju Babi, Sheth Elyappa Balaram, Raobahadur Dhondiba Hanmantrao Badade were also present and their interactions lasted quite long, and everyone was nodding their heads as they listened to the Mahatma. I listened to everything in silence. Later, Raobahadur Lokhande asked me whether I agreed with Mahatma’s thoughts — to which I responded that religious reform has to begin from the roots. If we were to not let the priests intervene in any religious rituals, we need to prove that the religion that upholds the position of the priests is entirely mistaken and holds no logic. Otherwise, their obstinacy will refuse to ebb. These means are imperative for a revolution within the religion. To this, the Mahatma responded, “We have a long way to go to realize this young person’s bookish ideas and only a firebrand intellectual can bring these ideas to life. Till then the ‘lash of our whip’ against the Brahmins and the priests shall continue. In places like Otur, we have seen success, and I am hopeful that with our efforts we might be successful in more villages too.” I did not say anything in response to that answer.
Now, I’ll briefly share some information about him that I gathered from my friends. Mahatma received his education at an American Missionary School where he was introduced to the ideals of the American republic. This exposure led him to reflect deeply on the caste discrimination embedded in Hindu society, which he came to see not only as irrational, but also as deeply oppressive. He firmly believed that challenging such unjust norms did not constitute sin. At the time many educated persons held similar views — they did not pay heed to Brahmin supremacy. Eventually, some of them also converted to Christianity as they believed that Christianity was a better religion than theirs [Hinduism]. However, Mahatma Jotiba and his friends did not become Christians.
The reason behind this was that the Mahatma was able to read two books by a great American rationalist. This great man was Thoman Paine. It was George Washington’s sword (strategy) and Thoman Paine’s pen (writing) that made America’s freedom possible, says history. Mahatma got an opportunity to read Paine’s two significant books, Age of Reason and Rights of Man. Mahatma read these collectively with his friends Walvekar and Navrange. He had one more friend named Sarpotdar. In Age of Reason, Paine exposes the deceit of Christianity with proof. Only the Christian priests have foolishly tried to support this, writes Paine. According to him, there is only one God, and neither the Bible nor priests serve any real purpose in understanding Him or acting as intermediaries in devotion. Reading this book brought forth the baselessness of Christianity and its many deceptions in front of Jotirao and those friends mentioned above, and they did not accept the Christian faith. Instead, they accepted the ‘Brahma’ dharma, prevalent at the time in Maharashtra.
I knew Mahatma’s above-mentioned friends for many years. Amongst the group, Walvekar had come to Mumbai to run the Subodh Patrika magazine by Prarthana Samaj for a few years. He instituted a press called Subodh Prakash. I used to write for Subodh Patrika when he took over the operations. Walvekar had written George Washington’s biography in Marathi. He had entrusted me with the translation of both Rights of Man and Age of Reason. Walvekar used to praise Mahatma often; according to him Mahatma was a truthful reformer. Inspired by Age of Reason, Jotirao decided to establish the Satyashodhak Panth. With determination and his best capacities, he led a movement in Maharashtra. Walvekar would often say that his efforts were praiseworthy.
Navrange too held similar opinions about Mahatma as Walvekar did. Mr Navrange went abroad to secure the sole agency to supply metal casts back home. His eldest son still looks after it. His daughter Kashibai pursued B.A.L.M & S. and has been practising medicine for several years. Both the siblings have heard many stories of Mahatma from their father. Since I am a friend of Mahatma’s friends, I have been able to recount how his thoughts took shape over the years. And therefore I do not see any logic in the false claim that Mahatma was a Christian. In a nutshell, the seeds of religious reform that he sowed with great courage in Maharashtra should be nurtured and brought to full bloom by those who seek truth and possess education.
Simply bad-mouthing Brahmins and humiliating them will only breed hatred, and will not serve the pursuit of Truth. It is my humble request to Mahatma’s rational followers to keep this in mind. To remain true to the name Satyashodhak (Seekers of Truth), the intellectuals who take pride in this organisation must reject outdated religious doctrines and beliefs. Only by dismantling these strongholds can we disarm those who are sheltered under their oppressive power. I sincerely apologise if I have spoken out of turn.
(K. A. Keluskar’s memory has been translated by Isha Badkas, edited by Ninad Pawar and Rucha Satoor, and peer-reviewed by Suraj Thube.)